Ενίσχυση του έργου!

Ενίσχυση του έργου!

Κυριακή 1 Οκτωβρίου 2017

The CIA and Greater Albania: The Origins of the US Role in the Balkans

Introduction: The Missing Link
Why did the US support the separatist and terrorist so-called Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, or UCK in Shqip), which sought to create an ethnically pure Albanian Kosovo based on ethnicity? Why did the US sponsor a criminal and illegal separatist movement that sought to ethnically cleanse non-Albanians and create an independent state of Kosova? Why was the US supporting and sponsoring the re-establishment of a fascist-Nazi Greater Albania that Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini had initially created?
When did the US begin to play a role in Kosovo? Did the US role in Kosovo begin with the arming and training of the KLA terrorist group which began a separatist war for the creation of a Greater Albania in 1998? Did the US role in Kosovo begin in 1989 when the Yugoslavian government curtailed Albanian control and domination of the province because Kosovo Serbs and other non-Albanians were being murdered and driven out of the province? Did US involvement in Kosovo begin with the death of Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz Tito in 1980? Did it begin in 1981 following Albanian riots in Kosovo that sought to create an ethnically pure Albanian Kosova “Republic”?
Did US support for the terrorist KLA emerge sui generis in 1998 as a response to the alleged genocide and ethnic cleansing perpetrated against Albanians by the Slobodan Milosevic regime? What is the missing link or connection between the Greater Albania created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini and US support for the KLA/UCK?
The recruitment of the former Nazi-fascist members of the Balli Kombetar by the CIA and MI6 in 1948 in order to engineer a regime change in Albania provides the origins and roots for US involvement in Kosovo and the creation of a Greater Albania or Ethnic Albania. The Balli Kombetar had been an ultra-nationalist, right-wing Greater Albania movement that had been created specifically to retain Kosovo as part of a Greater Albania. The issue of Kosovo and a Greater Albania was central to the Balli Kombetar movement. Operation Valuable/Fiend established the US government and CIA connections to the former Nazi/fascist leaders of Greater Albania, the Balli Kombetar, who are the forebears and precursors of the KLA Movement. Operation Valuable/Fiend by the CIA and MI6 provides the missing link between the Greater Albania of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini and the Greater Albania created by the US, NATO and EU in the 1990s.
Regime Change in Albania
The first major paramilitary operation by the CIA in the Cold War took place in Albania. The secret CIA operation was conducted in conjunction with British MI6 and was known by the codename Operation Valuable, or as BG/FIEND by the CIA. The operation was conceived by British intelligence to depose the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. It was one of the first attempts at “regime change” during the Cold War in the “denied areas” or “captive nations”.
There were several reasons why the UK sought to achieve a regime change in Tirana. It was meant as a “rollback” action, to deprive the Soviet Union of a client state. Strategically, Britain sought to deny the USSR naval bases on the Adriatic coast, which threatened British and US control of the Mediterranean. Britain was a naval power and securing sea lanes was of paramount concern. The operation was to consist of inserting UK and US trained commandos into Albania to organize guerrilla groups who would mount a coup that would overthrow Enver Hoxha. For the CIA, it would be “a clinical experiment to see whether large roll-back operations would be feasible elsewhere.”
Direct British and American involvement in Albania and the Balkans began with their support of anti-German and anti-Italian resistance and guerrilla groups during World War II. The goal was to undermine the German and Italian occupations. This necessitated supporting Communist resistance groups. In Albania, the US and UK supported the Communist movement headed by Enver Hoxha. Why did the US and UK support Communist groups which were determined to set-up Communist regimes? The policy was: “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Winston Churchill stated that the only criteria of support was whether the guerrillas were killing German soldiers.
During the war, the British Special Operations Executive (SOE) had armed and advised Enver Hoxha and his guerrilla forces. Now they were determined to overthrow the very regime they had put into power. The first British SOE liaison officers sent into Albania were Lt. Col. David Smiley and Neil “Billy” McLean. Along with Julian Amery, Alan Hare, Peter Kemp, John Hibberdine, and Tony Neel, they were known as “the musketeers”, who backed the Balli Kombetar. They all were right-wing, upper echelon apparatchiks of the British Empire who disdained any progressive or democratic movement. In their own words, they detested anyone or anything that smacked of “progressive ideas.” It was natural that they were the principal backers of the ultra-nationalist, right-wing Balli Kombetar movement.
Ironically and quixotically, they were forced to arm and support the Communist LNC Movement and Enver Hoxha. This was an absurd result. But the game was all about power. British and American intelligence operations in the Balkans make sense on the rationale that they were based on realpolitik, or power politics. The US and UK objective was to obtain pliant puppets and satellites and stooges in the Balkans. During the war, it was only the Communist forces that were perceived as fighting the German and Italian occupation forces. Part of this misperception was due to Communist sympathizers and double-agents such as H.A.R. “Kim” Philby who consciously and purposefully sought to create this image of the Communist resistance as the only genuine resistance against the Germans. So absurdly the US and UK were forced to support the very Communists that they later would attempt to overthrow through regime change. It was a short-term marriage of convenience necessitated by the fact that the major enemy that the US and UK faced at the time was Germany. It was a matter of priority.
The US even sent aid and weapons to a Communist country. Following the 1948 split between Joseph Stalin and Josip Broz Tito, the Yugoslav government requested through CIA channels that the US provide arms to Yugoslavia, fearing an invasion by the USSR. Frank Lindsay, the Office of Policy Co-ordination (OPC) deputy to Frank Wisner, recalled: “Tito was the man for the West to back… We sent him five shiploads of weapons.”
The US and UK were also determined to keep the Communist guerrillas in Greece from taking power. Operation Valuable/Fiend was also a diversionary operation meant to deny bases for Greek Communist insurgents and to divert Soviet or Communist resources away from Greece.
In Italy, the first successful CIA operation was to sabotage the national elections in 1948 where the Communists were favored to win. The US and UK supported “democracy’ only when it meant that anti- or non-Communists would win.
A primary concern for both the British and US governments was the presence of Soviet advisers and potential Soviet naval and submarine bases on the Albanian coast. For Britain, always a colonial and imperialist sea power, securing sea lanes to British colonies, such as India, was paramount. Soviet submarines and destroyers in the Albanian port of Valona threatened British control of the Mediterranean, an important sea route to India, the largest British colony, and to the Suez Canal and the oil of the Middle East. Albania under Hoxha established close ties with the Soviet Union and neighboring Yugoslavia following the war. There were even plans to form a Balkan federation which would have included Yugoslavia, Albania, and Bulgaria. Soviet advisers were reported to have arrived in Albania at this time.
Outright military clashes between Albanian and British forces began on October 22, 1946 when two British navy destroyers, Saumarez and Volafge, were damaged by mines in the three-mile-wide Corfu channel. The British destroyers sustained heavy damage while 43 men on board the vessels were killed. Britain retaliated by retaining ten million pounds of gold which the Albanian government had deposited in the Bank of England during the war. In April, 1946, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled against Albania, but the Albanian government refused to accept the judgment. There was unrelenting hostility between Albania and the UK that preceded the launch of Operation Valuable.
Operation Valuable/Fiend
British foreign secretary Ernest Bevin approved the MI6 operation to overthrow the Hoxha regime in February, 1949. The chief of MI6, Stewart Menzies, was not enthusiastic about the paramilitary operation but saw it as a way to appease the former SOE “stinks and bangs people.” The Albanian regime change was a rollback operation meant to “detach” Albania, a “captive nation”, from the Soviet bloc. Strategically, the UK and US objective was to establish a strategic presence on the Balkan peninsula. The British wanted the US to finance the operation and to provide bases. Senior British intelligence officer William Hayter, who chaired the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC), came to Washington in March with a group of Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) members and Foreign Office staff that included Gladwyn Jebb, Earl Jellicoe, and Peter Dwyer of MI6 and a Balkans specialist. They met with Robert Joyce of the US State Department’s Policy and Planning Staff (PPS) and Frank Wisner, who was the head of the Office of Policy Co-ordination (OPC), which was administered by the CIA. Wisner had been an attorney who had represented the financial interests of wealthy Albanian refugees who had been members of the Nazi-fascist collaborative group, the Balli Kombetar. So there had also been a monetary connection between US intelligence and the former Nazi/fascist Albanian Balli Kombetar members.
The strategic goal was to establish a foothold on the Balkan peninsula. Before this could occur, the Soviet-backed Hoxha regime had to be overthrown. According to Wisner, the Albanian operation was to be “a clinical experiment to see whether larger rollback operations would be feasible elsewhere.” Amery revealed that the British planned to recruit Balli Kombetar insurgents in the regime change against the Hoxha government. He outlined his plans for the proposed operation to the military commander of the Balli Kombetar, Abas Ermenji.
On May 20, 1949, Harold Perkins, the director of the Special Operations Branch, Neil McLean and Ermenji flew to Rome to meet with Midhat Frasheri, the wartime leader and founder of the Nazi/fascist Balli Kombetar, to discuss the operation. Frasheri was supportive of the operation. Amery believed that “clandestine operations directed at Hoxha would lead to a major uprising” the success of which would “depend on the million odd Albanians living in the Yugoslav Kosovo region.” So Kosovo was always crucial to the planners and organizers of Operation Valuable/Fiend.
Recruiting Albanian Nazis and Fascists
The recruitment for Operation Valuable/Fiend consisted of 40 per cent from the Balli Kombetar, 40 percent from the monarchist Legalite or Legaliteti, and the rest from other Albanian factions. Midhat Frasheri (1880-1949) was a founder and leader of the Balli Kombetar (National Front). He was a known Nazi and fascist collaborator committed to creating a Greater Albania that would include Kosovo-Metohija. He initially fled to Turkey after the war to escape war crimes charges and prosecution as a Nazi-fascist collaborator, then moved to Italy. He later settled as a refugee in London. He was brought to New York City by the US to lead the émigré Albanians. He died suddenly, however, on October 3, 1949 of a heart attack at the Lexington Hotel in New York.
Frasheri had initially approached the US Ambassador in Rome in 1947 proposing to bring 50 Albanian former pro-Nazi, pro-fascist refugee leaders to the US to allegedly combat Albanian Communist infiltrators in the United States. That same year, the Hoxha regime had made a request to the Italian government that Albanian collaborators and war criminals be extradited to Albania. Many of the Albanian BK leaders were interned in Italian camps at the time. Fearing extradition, Frasheri sought US help.
The plan was initially rejected by the US State Department because many on Frasheri’s list of 50 were on a 1948 publication by the Albanian government which identified them as major Nazi-fascist collaborators and war criminals. The State Department held that it did “not believe it would be appropriate” to allow the BK entry into the US because it would “sooner or later occasion embarrassment to this Government.” These BK members “had collaborated with the Germans and Italians in the war.”
The way the US government got around these restrictions was by creating “private organizations” and “fronts” which would provide “plausible deniability” because official sanction and connections could be concealed. The privatization ploy was effective in organizing former Nazi and fascist war criminals by the US and UK governments during the Cold War. It was part of a larger US government scheme known as Bloodstone which recruited “collaborators” and “war criminals” for covert operations, “émigré liberation projects”. Carmel Offie was one of the major organizers. Hasan Dosti was brought to the US in April, 1949, although he lacked a passport. Dosti was to set up an Albanian National Committee in Exile. On May 12, Robert Joyce obtained a passport for Midhat Frasheri to enter the US based on the rationale that it was in the “national interest”. So Frasheri was granted a US visa, due to the efforts of Robert Joyce, the US State Department liaison with the CIA.
Frasheri brought with him Mustafa Merlika-Kruja, the former fascist premier of Greater Albania from 1941 to 1943 who advocated the genocide of the Kosovo Serbs, Hasan Dosti, a Justice Minister in the fascist regime, and Kosovar Muslim Xhafer Deva, who had been instrumental in the creation of the Nazi Skanderbeg SS Division that systematically murdered Kosovo Serbs and which had rounded up Kosovo Jews who were subsequently murdered in the gas ovens at the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. The Kosovar Deva was directly responsible for the deportation of the Jews and their subsequent deaths. These former Albanian Nazis and fascists established the CIA-financed National Committee for a Free Albania. Among other things, this group recruited Albanian refugees who were sent on failed infiltration missions in Albania. The British double agent Kim Philby oversaw Operation Valuable/Fiend and kept the Soviets and the Hoxha regime apprised of the clandestine operations. Many of these Albanian recruits were captured and tried as spies and imprisoned or executed by the Communist Enver Hoxha regime.
One person’s war criminal is another person’s freedom fighter. This is clearly exemplified by the US and UK position on alleged Albanian war criminals and collaborators such as those of the Balli Kombetar. Enver Hoxha recalled making official requests that Albanian war criminals and collaborators be turned over for trial, but the US and UK refused his requests:
We made official requests to the British and American governments for the extradition of war criminals, not only Albanians, but also Italians and Germans, who had stained their hands with blood in Albania and were now under their jurisdiction. Contrary to the declarations and the joint commitments of the allies during the war and the decisions which were taken later on this question, they turned a deaf ear and did not hand them over to us. On the contrary, they kept the chiefs in luxury hotels, while they trained their ‘fighting men’ in Rome, Munich, London, Athens and elsewhere.
Xhafer Deva, who was from Kosovo, had been the Kosovar Albanian Muslim Minister of the Interior under the Italian fascist-sponsored Greater Albania. Deva lived in the United States after the war. He died in 1978 in Palo Alto, California. Hasan Dosti had been the Minister of Justice in the Italian-sponsored Greater Albania regime. He lived in Los Angeles, California in 1988. Mustafa Merlika-Kruja had been the Albanian premier of Greater Albania from 1941 to 1943. He died in 1958 in New York. Rexhep Mitrovica was an Albanian official in the Nazi German-sponsored Greater Albanian government in July 10, 1944, when Germany had re-occupied Kosovo and Albania..
The number of Jews killed in Greater Albania during the Holocaust is estimated at 591. Albanians played a major role in the Holocaust. Many of the leaders the CIA and MI6 recruited for Operation Valuable/Fiend were directly involved in the murder of the Jews of Greater Albania.

The Balli Kombetar (BK) or National Front was founded and led by the former Albanian diplomat Midhat Frasheri and Abas Ermneji. The BK was set up essentially to retain Kosovo as part of Albania after the war. This was the defining platform of the BK Movement, the annexation of Kosovo. The BK was a right-wing, ultra-nationalist Greater Albania movement, which was anti-monarchist and thus regarded as “republican”. This became a propaganda selling point for the former BK members after the war by their American and British spook handlers/minders. The BK was made up primarily of Tosks with their main area of support in the Valona region of southern Albania. Unlike the Communist National Liberation Movement headed by Enver Hoxha and the Zogist monarchist Legalite Movement headed by Abas Kupi established in November, 1943, the Balli Kombetar was unique in that its platform consisted of retaining Kosovo as part of the Axis-created Greater Albania.
The war-time collaboration of the Balli Kombetar with the German and Italian forces was well-documented. In a December 17, 1943 SOE report, Brig. E.M. “Trotsky” Davies acknowledged that the Balli Kombetar and the Zogist groups “are co-operating with Germans, who are exploiting them with arms in large quantities, setting them to guard main roads, police towns, and lead patrols thus freeing the German troops.” He further noted that the Balli Kombetar had consistently refused to fight the German occupation forces: “I consider the Allies’ attitude should be made public forthwith, showing quislings, traitors and non-resisters to Germans will receive appropriate punitive treatment from the Allies in due course.” The musketeers themselves conceded that the BK nationalist “collaborate with the Germans.” Three weeks after making his report, Davies was ambushed by a pro-Nazi BK group in Albania. Moreover, the German emissary in Tirana had acknowledged that there had been “direct collaboration with the BK.”
In the July 1944 R and A report L38836 by the OSS on Albania entitled “Political and Internal Conditions”, it was stated that “Xhafer Deva, Rexhep Mitrovic and Midhat Frasheri are with the Germans….Anti-semitic measures are being adopted now. A captured SS document “revealed that Deva had been responsible for the deportation of ‘Jews, Communists and partisans’ to extermination camps as well as for punitive raids by the SS Skanderbeg Division. The small mountain territory had few Jews, so relatively few were captured and killed.” Christopher Simpson, in Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and its Effects on the Cold War, noted that relatively few Jews were captured and killed but “not for lack of trying by the Balli Kombetar organization and the Albanian SS” which had orchestrated “a series of anti-semitic purges that rounded up about 800 people, the majority of whom were deported and murdered.” At the Wannsee Conference, the Germans listed only 200 Jews in Albania. Moreover, the Italian occupation was chiefly responsible for the so-called rescue of Albanian Jews by their intervention. Deva was also accused of responsibility for “the Tirana massacre” which occurred on February 4, 1944, carried out by the German Gestapo “in collaboration with the Albanian gendarmerie.” By the summer of 1944, units of the Balli Kombetar were “integrated into the German command.”
When the Germans occupied Kosovo and Albania following the Italian surrender in 1943, they lacked the manpower to control Greater Albania. What the Germans relied on was “political conciliation,” that is, gaining Albanian support for the German occupation by promising them fulfillment of their Greater Albania illusions by ensuring them that Kosovo would be part of a Greater Albania. The Germans appealed “to the type of Albanian nationalist and republican represented in the Balli Kombetar.” The German forces created a Regency Council to govern Greater Albania, which consisted of Lef Nosi, Anton Harapi, and the pre-war Prime Minister Mehdi Frasheri, the brother of Midhat Frasheri, the leader of the BK. The German occupation forces also created an Albanian army which was under the leadership of General Prenk Previsi and a gendarmerie under Xhafer Deva, the Minister of the Interior from Kosovo. The German occupation authorities also sponsored the creation of the Second League of Prizren and put Deva in charge of it as the president. The Germans expanded the Kosovo Albanian four armed battalions in the SS Division Skanderbeg in 1944, which fought against the Communist LNC, the Yugoslav partisans, and systematically murdered Kosovo Serbs and which rounded up Kosovo Jews who were subsequently murdered.
Pixie insertions
Midhat Frasheri was “the lynchpin” of the plan to send commandos into Albania. The Committee for Free Albania included several collaborators, and alleged war criminals. James McCarger, the first US commander of Operation Fiend, was dissatisfied that Hasan Dosti was part of this group. Dosti had been the Justice Minister of the fascist Italian-sponsored Greater Albania. McCarger stated: “I and several others screamed bloody murder on this. I said, you can’t use somebody with that background, it’s a blot on everybody’s escutcheon.” Dosti was accompanied by “a bevy of Hitler-era stooges” which included the Kosovar Muslim Xhafer Deva “who used the SS Skanderbeg Division in a massacre of Albanian partisans” and to round up Kosovo Jews who were murdered in the concentration camps. There were “voluminous files” in the possession of the US government that documented Deva’s Nazi past. Nevertheless, these objections were dismissed by the US and these former Nazi-fascist Albanian leaders would play a major role in Cold War operations by the CIA. A US intelligence official maintained that Deva was a “pure patriot” and a “person of uncompromising personal honor.” It was held that hiring and training such Nazi collaborators was in the US national interest. There were thus Nazis and there were Nazis. Some former Nazis were of much greater service to the US in the Cold War so their Nazi past was spin doctored away as if by magic.
The National Security Act of July 27, 1947 established the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The President Harry Truman Administration created the Central Intelligence Organization (CIA) as the successor to the war-time Office of Special Operations (OSS), which Truman had disbanded in 1945. The CIA was known as the Central Intelligence Group initially when it was headed first by Rear Admiral Sidney Souers and then by Hoyt Vandenberg. Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter headed the CIA from 1947 to 1950, he was the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI). The CIA was set up specifically as a tool in the Cold War, an independent agency that reported to the President and was overseen by Congressional panels.
In September, 1949, British foreign secretary Ernest Bevin came to Washington to discuss Operation Valuable/Fiend with US government officials. The CIA released a report that concluded that “a purely internal Albanian uprising at this time is not indicated, and, if undertaken, would have little chance of success.” The CIA asserted that the Hoxha regime had a 65,000 man regular army and a security force of 15,000. There were intelligence reports that there were 1,500 Soviet “advisers” and 4,000 “technicians” in Albania helping to train the Albanian army. NATO was concerned that the USSR was building a submarine base at Valona. On September 6, 1949, when NATO met for the first time in Washington, Bevin proposed that “a counter-revolution” be launched in Albania. US Secretary of State Dean Acheson was in agreement. The US Joint Chiefs of Staff wanted to use Valona as a potential forward naval base for NATO to establish US control of the Mediterranean. NATO, established as a defensive military alliance of the North Atlantic region, was now committed to launching offensive covert operations against a sovereign nation in the Balkans. NATO member countries agreed to support the overthrow of the Hoxha regime in Albania and to eliminate Soviet influence in the Mediterranean region. Bevin wanted to place King Zog on the throne as the leader of Albania once Hoxha was overthrown.
On October 3, 1949, the first group of 20 Albanian commandos, known as the “pixies’ by SIS, were landed on the Albanian coastline south of Valona, which was the former territory of the Balli Kombetar. This was the start of Operation Valuable/Fiend. The pixies had been brought across the Corfu channel on a British vessel, Stormie Seas. British intelligence officials had trained the Albanians since July on Malta. Albanian government security forces interdicted the commandos, killing four and forcing the others to flee south to Greece.
The US became directly involved in the pixie insertions in 1950. The US recruitment of the OPC commandos was disguised by creating “labor battalions” under US Army command in Germany. Carmel Offie set up Company 400 with the help of Lawrence de Neufville, a CIA “special adviser”. The Albanian recruits were assembled in July, 1950 by Major Caush Ali Bashom, a member of the Balli Kombetar. A Radio Free Albania was set up as well to broadcast CIA propaganda into Albania. In August, 1950, the US air dropped propaganda leaflets over Korca. On November 19, the US airdropped 9 Albanian commandos by parachute drops into Albania. They were either captured or escaped into Yugoslavia. The Sigurimi, the Soviet-trained Albanian secret police, was able to anticipate the landings and to interdict the commandos.
By 1952, the CIA had taken over all the intelligence operations of the British in the Balkans. On July 23, 1951, the US air dropped 12 commandos in Albania. Six were killed immediately, four were surrounded and burned to death in a house, and two were captured. The operation was a complete disaster. Abas Ermenji did not want to witness any more of his Balli Kombetar followers to take “another tumble through the meat grinder” and so discouraged any more missions. Wisner, nevertheless, sought to continue the pixie incursions, having the support of CIA Deputy Director Allen Dulles. The CIA airdropped Hamit Matjani, the Tiger, in 1952, who was killed during this operation, his 16th mission. Dulles stated: “At least we’re getting the experience we need for the next war.”
Up to 200 agents would be killed during the operation with an estimated additional several thousand Albanian civilians killed in reprisal. Abas Ermenji stated: “Our ‘allies’ wanted to make use of Albania as a guinea-pig, without caring about the human losses, for an absurd enterprise that was condemned to failure.” Halil Nerguti stated: “We were used as an experiment. We were a small part of a big game, pawns that could be sacrificed.” There is no question that the CIA and MI6 used the operation as a small-scale exercise in regime change. The stakes were small. Failure would not be noticed. John H. Richardson, the CIA Director of the South-East Division, terminated Operation Fiend and by 1954 the Company 400 was disbanded and the training facilities in Heidelberg, Germany shut down, as well as the CIA base on the Greek island. The remaining Albanians were resettled in the US, UK, and the Commonwealth countries.
The CIA financed a new Albanian Committee of the Assembly of Captive European Nations (ACEN) which was controlled by the Political Committee, made up of former members of the Balli Kombetar, who dominated this organization for much of the 1950s.The ACEN was headed by Nuci Kota, Zog’s military commander, who had lead the Free Albania Committee and had founded the Albanian National Committee. The former Nazi-fascist wartime collaborator Hasan Dosti was a key figure in ACEN. Gratian Yatsevich, the new commander of Operation Fiend, inserted Albanian members of the Catholic Independenza group, many of whom had collaborated with the fascist Italian regime, into the Free Albania Committee.
During Operation Valuable/Fiend, the US and UK disregarded Albanian’s sovereignty, engaged in subversion, subterfuge, interference in the affairs of an independent nation, and sought to implement a regime change, which was an act of war and aggression. And this was what CIA propaganda said was “the free world”.
Conclusion: Balli Kombetar and KLA
Operation Valuable/Fiend and the recruitment of former Albanian Nazis and fascists from Albania proper and Kosovo provides the missing link between the Greater Albania created by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini and the Balli Kombetar and the KLA/UCK Movement supported by Joseph DioGuardi, Thomas Lantos, Robert Dole, Joseph Biden, Richard Holbrooke, and Madeleine Albright. The recruitment of the Nazi-fascist Greater Albania Balli Kombetar by the CIA and MI6 and Operation Valuable/Fiend are the origins and the roots of US involvement in Albania/Kosovo. It was inevitable that US foreign policy would focus on Kosovo. The fascist foreign minister of Italy Count Galeazzano Ciano, who was the architect of the fascist greater Albania from 1939-1943, saw Kosovo as a knife aimed at the back of Yugoslavia. When Germany occupied Kosovo and Albania, their occupation policy focused on the creation of a Greater Albania with their support of the Second League of Prizren and their sanction of the genocide of Kosovo Serbs and Jews. Similarly, US foreign policy during the Cold War focused on using Kosovo as a knife to extort, blackmail, and pressure Yugoslavia, or as a way to destroy the Communist Yugoslavia. Like Nazi Germany, the US and the NATO countries used Kosovo as a way to destroy Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was the only obstacle to the NATO takeover of eastern Europe. Kosovo provided the means by which to establish NATO control and occupation of Europe. The KLA/UCK terrorist/separatist group provided the vehicle by which to achieve NATO control. The KLA was the successor to the Balli Kombetar. Operation Valuable/Fiend thus is the missing link between the fascist Greater Albania created in World War II and the US support of Greater Albania during and after the Cold War. Operation Valuable/Fiend provided the modus operandi or MO. This was how the US allowed the former Croatian Ustasha/Roman Catholic alleged war criminals to escape through Italy and the Vatican, through the “ratlines” established by Croatian Roman Catholic priest Father Krunoslav Draganovic. This was how the powerful ultra-nationalist and neo-Ustasha separatist lobby was created in the US with the backing of US Roman Catholic groups. The objective was always the same. The US and Britain sought to control the Balkans and eastern Europe through NATO. The game was always about power. Human rights, humanitarianism, genocide, and ethnic cleansing had nothing to do with it.
Bibliography:
Dorril, Stephen. MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service. NY: The Free Press, 2000.
Kane, Steve. “The 21st SS Mountain Division.” Siegrunen: The Waffen-SS in Historical Perspective. October-December 1984. Volume 6 Number 6, pp.22-30.
Prados, John. Presidents’ Secret Wars: CIA and Pentagon Covert Operations from World War II through Iranscam. NY: Quill, 1986.
Simpson, Christopher. Blowback: America’s Recruitment of Nazis and its Effects on the Cold War. NY: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988.

By Carl K. Savich
Source: Pogledi
Illustrated by Prof. Dr Vladislav B. Sotirovic

Κυριακή Β Λουκά - E Djela e 2-të e Llukait

Image result for β λουκά

ΟΙ ΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΙ ΕΙΜΑΣΤΕ πλάσματα του Θεού. Δημιουργήματα της αγάπης Του. Έκφραση της αγάπης του Θεού, που φανερώθηκε κατά τη δημιουργία μας, είναι ένα μεγάλο δώρο που μας έδωσε και ένας υψηλός σκοπός που μέσα στη ζωή μας έθεσε. Το δώρο είναι ότι μας έπλασε «κατ’ εικόνα» δική Του, όντα λογικά και ελεύθερα με αθάνατη ψυχή. Ο μεγάλος σκοπός που έθεσε μέσα στη ζωή μας είναι το «καθ’ ομοίωσιν». Να μπορούμε, δηλαδή, με την καλή χρήση της ελευθερίας μας, με τον προσωπικό μας αγώνα, να προχωρούμε στην αρετή, να φτάσουμε στην τελειότητα, να μοιάσουμε στον ίδιο τον Θεό. Όπως διδάσκει και ο Μ. Βασίλειος, ο άνθρωπος έχει το «κατ’ εικόνα» «εκ του λογικός είναι». Και γίνεται «καθ’ ομοίωσιν» «εκ του χρηστότητα αναλαβείν».
Όμως ο άνθρωπος έπεσε. Αμαύρωσε μέσα του την εικόνα του Θεού. Έχασε την δυνατότητα να επιτύχει την τελείωση του. Διέφθειρε την πατρική δωρεά και πλανήθηκε στη χώρα της αποστασίας και της αμαρτίας.
Από την πτώση αυτή μας ανέστησε ο Κύριος μας. Θεράπαευσε την άρρωστη φύση μας. Άνοιξε την κεκλεισμένη πύλη της Βασιλείας Του. Και μας προσκάλεσε στο δρόμο της τελειότητας, χαρίζοντας μας τη θεία υιοθεσία. Δηλαδή, τη δυνατότητα να γίνουμε παιδιά Του ζώντας κατά το θέλημα Του, τηρώντας τις ζωηφόρες εντολές Του.
Αυτό τον υψηλό σκοπό που έχουμε στη ζωή μας υπενθυμίζει στο σημερινό Ευαγγέλιο ο Κύριος. «Και έσεσθε υιοί του Υψίστου» λέει. Θα γίνετε παιδιά του Θεού. Πως όμως άραγε; Με ποιο τρόπο; Η περικοπή που ακούσαμε υποδεικνύει και τους τρόπους. Καθορίζει τα πλαίσια μέσα στα οποία κινούμενος ο άνθρωπος θα μπορέσει να επιτύχει τον ιερότερο σκοπό της επί γης ζωής του.

Η κλιμακωτή ανάβαση του χριστιανού
ΚΛΙΜΑΚΩΤΗ ΜΑΣ παρουσιάζει ο Ιησούς Χριστός την ανάβαση προς την τελειότητα. Τα ύψη ποτέ δεν τα κατακτά κανείς με μιας. Ξεκινά από χαμηλά και αγωνίζεται με ζήλο και υπομονή για να φτάσει ψηλά. Αυτό γίνεται παντού. Βλέπουμε τον αετό με πόση τέχνη εκπαιδεύει τους αετιδείς του. Ξεκινά από τα χαμηλά και σιγά-σιγά τους ανεβάζει ψηλότερα. Βλέπουμε τα αεροπλάνα. Και αυτά όχι μονομιάς, αλλά προοδευτικά κερδίζουν ύψος.
Το ίδιο ισχύει και για το πνευματικό ανέβασμα. Η κατάκτηση της αρετής μοιάζει με ανάβαση σε ψηλό βουνό. Ξεκινούμε από χανηλά, τους πρόποδες του, και προχωρούμε για να φτάσουμε στις ολοκάθαρες κορφές του. Η χριστιανική ζωή είναι μια πνευματική κλίμακα που καλείται να ανέβει ο χριστιανός, ο οποίος θέλει να φτάσει στην τελειότητα, να γίνει παιδί του Υψίστου Θεού. Τα σκαλοπάτια αυτής της κλίμακας είναι οι εντολές του Θεού που οφείλουμε να τηρήσουμε. Αυτής της πνευματικής κλίμακας ο Κύριος σήμερα παρουσιάζει τρεις βαθμίδες.

Πρώτη βαθμίδα: η δικαιοσύνη

«ΚΑΘΩΣ ΘΕΛΕΤΕ ίνα ποιώσιν υμίν οι άνθρωποι, και υμείς ποιείτε αυτοίς ομοίως». Δηλαδή, όπως θέλετε να συμπεριφέρονται οι άνθρωποι σε σας, κι εσείς να κάνετε σ’ αυτούς τα ίδια. Λόγια αθάνατα. Χρυσό κανόνα της Καινής Διαθήκης τα ονόμασαν οι ερμηνευτές. Εκφράζουν τον ασίγαστο πόθο κάθε ανθρώπινης ψυχής να βασιλεύει γύρω μας δικαιοσύνη. Φανερώνουν την μοναδική αξία της ανθρώπινης προσωπικότητας,
τα ιερά της δικαιώματα, που θα πρέπει να γίνονται καθολικά σεβαστά. Η Παλαιά Διαθήκη την εντολή αυτή του Θεού μας την παραδίδει με αρνητική διατύπωση: «Ό μισείς, μηδενί ποιήσης» (Τωβ. 4, 15). Εδώ ο Κύριος τη διατυπώνει θετικά, όπως θετική θα πρέπει να είναι και η στάση μας ως χριστιανών μέσα στη ζωή.
Θέλουμε οι άλλοι να μας σέβονται; Οφείλουμε κι εμείς να τους σεβόμαστε.
Θέλουμε οι συνάνθρωποι μας να μην μας αδικούν; Κι εμείς δεν πρέπει να αδικούμε τους άλλους.
Θέλουμε να μας μιλούν με ειλικρίνεια, να μας λένε πάντα την αλήθεια; Το ίδιο χεωστολυμε να κάνουμε κι εμείς.
Θέλουμε να είναι συνεπείς στα λόγια και τις υποσχέσεις τους, έντιμοι στις συμφωνίες τους; Συνεπείς οφείλουμε να είμαστε κι εμείς. Η εντιμότητα να διακρίνει και το δικό μας χαρακτήρα.

Δεύτερη βαθμίδα: η ανεξικακία και η αγάπη

ΜΙΑ ΑΓΑΠΗ ΠΟΥ θα πρέπει να αγκαλιάζει και τους εχθρούς μας. Εκείνους που μας έβλαψαν, που μας πίκραναν, που μας αδίκησαν. «Πλν αγαπάτε τους εχθρούς υμών και αγαθοποιείτε και δανείζετε…». Εδώ βρίσκεται το μεγαλείο του χριστιανισμού και η μεγάλη διαφορά που έχει η χριστιανική αρετή από εκείνη του κόσμου. Ο χριστιανός οφείλει να κάνει το καθήκον του χωρίς καμιά σκοπιμότητα και υστεροβουλία. Να είναι ο άνθρωπος της αγάπης, μιας αγάπης χωρίς όρους και όρια. Αγάπης που στο βάθος της θα φτάνει μέχρι τη θυσία, και το πλάτος της θα περιλαμάνει ακόμη και αυτούς τους εχθρούς μας. Αλλά για να μπορέσουμε μα αγαπήσουμε τους εχθρούς μας, θα πρέπει να διαθέτουμε μιαν ανεξίκακη καρδιά. Αληθινή αγάπη χωρίς ανεξικακία δεν είναι δυνατόν να υπάρξει.
Την αγάπη αυτή δεν την έχουμε ως κήρυγμα, ως «καινή εντολή» μόνο (Ιω. 13,34). Την έχουμε και ζωντανή, ενσαρκωμένη στο θεανθρώπινο πρόσωπο και το άγιο παράδειγμα του Κυρίου. Ο Χριστός αγαπά όλους. Διψά την σωτηρία όλων. «Θέλει πάντας ανθρώπους σωθήναι…» (Α’ Τιμ. 2, 4). Είναι «χρηστός», ευεργετικός και ωφέλιμος δηλαδή, και προς τους αχάριστους και προς τους κακούς. «Ανατέλλει τον ήλιον αυτού επί πονηρούς και αγαθούς και βρέχει επί δικαίους και αδίκους» (Ματθ. 5,45). Ή, όπως αναφέρει το βιβλίο των Πράξεων, «διήλθεν ευεργετών και ιώμενος πάντας τους καταδυναστευομένους υπό του διαβόλου» (Πραξ. 10, 38). Και στο όνομα της αγάπης συγχωρεί τους ίδιους τους σταυρωτές Του, την ώρα μάλιστα που δοκίμαζε την άφατη οδύνη του σταυρικού θανάτου.

Τρίτη βαθμίδα: το έλεος και οι οικτιρμοί

«ΓΙΝΕΣΘΕ ΟΥΝ οικτίρμονες, καθώς και ο πατήρ υμών οικτίρμων εστί». Τι είναι το έλεος; Αγάπη επιτεταμένη. «Εάν κάποιος εξετάσει», γράφει ο άγιος Γρηγόριος Νύσσης, «το ιδίωμα του ελέους, θα βρει ότι είναι η επίταση της αγαπητικής διαθέσεως». Και τι είναι οι οικτιρμοί; Η συμπάθεια και η ευσπλαχνία, ο πόνος για τον άλλον, τον πονεμένο αδελφό του Χριστού, που είναι και δικός μας αδελφός. Η καρδιά μας, δηλαδή, να γεμίζει από συμπάθεια κι ευσπλαχνία για τον πόνο και τη δυστυχία, την ταλαιπωρία και την ανάγκη των άλλων. Και το μέτρο του ελέους και της συμπάθειας, που οφείλουμε να επιδεικνύουμε προς τους άλλους, είναι το έλεος και η φιλανθρωπία του ουρανίου Πατέρα μας.
«Αυτό με το οποίο μπορούμε (κάπως)», διδάσκει ο άγιος Ιωάννης ο Χρυσόστομος, «να εξισωθούμε με τον Θεό, είναι το ελεείν και οικτίρειν». Και συνεχίζει: «Δεν είπε, εάν νηστεύετε θα γίνετε όμοιοι με τον Πατέρα σας. Δεν είπε, εάν ασκείτε παρθενία. Ούτε είπε, εάν προσεύχεσθε θα γίνετε όμοιοι με τον Πατέρα σας…. Αλλά τι είπε; Γίνεσθε οικτίρμονες».

* * *
Αδελφοί μου,
Ζούμε σε μια εποχή με κραυγαλέες αντιφάσεις. Και οικοδομούμε έναν πολιστισμό που είναι ολοφάνερα ανάπηρος. Η τεχνολογία έφτασε σε απίθανα ύψη. Οι άνθρωποι όμως έχουμε αποθηριωθεί. Πήγαμε στη Σελήνη, ηθικά όμως έχουμε ξεπέσει, ως οντότητες πνευματικές οπισθοδρομήσαμε. Η απληστία μας παραμερίζει κάθε έννοια ισότητας και δικαιοσύνης. Η φιλαυτία μας σκοτώνει την αγάπη. Ο ατομισμός μας μάς καθιστά σκληρούς και ανάλγητους μπροστά στον πόνο κα τη δυστυχία των άλλων.
Τι χρειαζόμαστε λοιπόν; Ένα γενναίο αναπροσανατολισμό. Ν’ ανακαλύψουμε τον θεμελιώδη σκοπό της ζωής. Να συνειδητοποιήσουμε το βαθύτερο νόημα της υπάρξεως μας. Αυτό ακριβώς που μας διαμηνύει ο λόγος του Κυρίου που ακούσαμε σήμερα: «Και έσεσθε υιοί του Υψίστου».

Πρεσβύτερος Δημήτριος Λ. Λάμπρου
NE NJERËZIT JEMI krijesa të Zotit. Krijesa të dashurisë së Tij. Shprehje e dashurisë së Zotit, i cili u shfaq gjatë krijimit tonë, është një dhuratë e madhe që na dha një synim të lartë dhe e vendosi në në jetën tonë. Dhurata është që na krijoi “sipas ikonës” së Tij, krijesa llogjike dhe të lira me një shpirt të pavdekshëm. Synimi i madh që vendosi në jetën tonë është “sipas ngjashmërisë”. Të mundemi, dmth, me përdorimin e mirë të lirisë sonë, me betejën tonë personale, të  ecim në virtyt, të arrijmë përsosmërinë, t’i ngjajmë vetë Zotit. Ashtu siç na mëson Shën Vasili i Madh, njeriu, ka “sipas ikonës” “sepse është llogjik”. Dhe bëhet “i ngjashëm” “nga mënyra e  hirshme e të jetuarit”.
Por njeriu ra. Nxiu brenda tij ikonën e Zotit. Humbi mundësinë që të arrijë përsosmërinë e tij. Korruptoi dhuratën etërore  dhe u mashtrua në vendin e largësisë dhe të mëkatit. Nga kjo rrënie e  ngriti Zoti ynë. Shëroi natyrën tonë të sëmurë. Hapi derën e mbyllur të Mbretërisë së Tij. Dhe na ftoi në rrugën e përsosmërisë, duke na falur adoptimin hyjnor. Dmth, mundësinë që të bëhemi fëmijë të Tij duke jetuar sipas vullnetit të Tij, duke ruajtur urdhëresat jetëdhënëse të Tij.
Ky synim i lartë që kemi në jetën tonë na kujton Ungjillin e Zotit. “Dhe bëjuni bijtë e të Lartit” thotë. Do të bëheni fëmijë të Zotit. Por si vallë? Me çfarë mënyre? Pjesa që dëgjuam tregon dhe mënyrat. Cakton kornizën brenda së cilës duke lëvizur njeriu do të mund të arrijë synimin  më të shënjtë të jetës së tij mbi tokë.
Ngjitja përshkallëzuese e të krishterit SHKALLËN TONË e paraqet Jesu Krishti në ngjitjen drejt përsosmërisë. Atëhere lartësitë nuk i fiton dikush menjëherë. Fillon që poshtë dhe lufton me zell dhe durim për të arritur lart. Kjo ndodh kudo. Shikojmë shqiponjën me sa art i stërvit zogjtë e saj. Fillon nga ultësira dhe ngadalë-ngadalë i ngjit më lart. Shikojmë aeroplanët. Dhe këto jo menjëherë, por gradualisht fitojnë lartësi.
E njejta gjë vlen dhe për ngjitjen shpirtërore. Pronësimi i virtytit ngjet me ngjitjen në mal. Fillojmë që poshtë, në këmbët e tij, dhe ecim për të arritur në majat e pastra të tij. Jeta e krishterë është një shkallë shpirtërore tek e cila thirret i krishteri që të ngjitet, i cili do që të arrijë në përsosmëri, të bëhet biri i Zotit të Lartë. Sheshpushimet e kësaj shkalle  janë urdhëresat e Zotit që duhet të mbajmë. Të kësaj shkalle shpirtërore sot Zoti na paraqet tre gradë.
Grada e parë: drejtësia
 “ASHTU SI DËSHIRONI që t’iu  sillen njerëzit, ashtu dhe ju t’iu silleni atyre”. Fjalë të pavdekshme. Rregull i artë i Dhjatës së Re, kështu e quajtën interpretuesit e saj. Shprehin dëshirën e pandalshme të çdo shpirti njerëzor që të mbretërojë rreth nesh drejtësia. Shfaqin vlerën unikale të  personalitetit njerëzor, të drejtat e saj të shenjta, që duhet të bëhen të respektueshme në përgjithësi. Dhjata e Vjetër këtë urdhër të Zotit tonë na i dorëzon me një formulim negativ: “Atij që urren, mos i bëj asgjë” (Tovit 4, 15). Këtu Zoti e formulon pozitivisht, ashtu siç duhet të jetë pozitive  dhe pozicioni ynë si të krishterë brenda jetës.

Duam dhe të tjerët që të na respektojnë? Duhet dhe ne që t’i respektojmë. Duam që të afërmit tonë të mos na bëjnë padrejtësi? Dhe ne nuk duhet të bëjmë padrejtësi tek të tjerët.
Dëshirojmë që të na flasin me sinqeritet, të na thonë gjithmonë të vërtetën? Të njejtën gjë duhet që t’iu bëjmë dhe ne.
Dëshirojmë që të jenë korrektë në fjalët dhe premtimet te tyre, të ndershëm në kontratat e tyre? Korrektë duhet të jemi dhe ne. Ndershmëria të dallojë dhe karakterin tonë.
Grada e Dytë: mungesa e ligësisë dhe Dashuria.
NJË DASHURI që do të duhet të përqafojë dhe armiqtë tonë. Ata që na dëmtuan, na hidhëruan dhe kryen karshi nesh padrejtësi. “Të duam armiqtë tonë dhe t’iu bëjmë mirë dhe t’iu japim hua...”.  Këtu gjendet dhe madhështia e krishtërimit dhe ndryshimi i madh që ka virtyti i krishter nga ai i botës. I Krishteri ka si detyrim që të kryejë detyrën e tij pa asnjë qëllim dhe dhe synim të mëpasëm. Të jetë njeri i dashurisë, i një dashurie pa kushte dhe kufij. Dashuri që në thellësinë e saj të arrijë deri në sakrificë, dhe në gjerësinë e saj të përfshijë akoma dhe vetë armiqtë tanë. Por që të mundemi të duam armiqtë tanë duhet të disponojmë një zemër pa ligësi. Dashuria e vërtetë pa mungesën e ligësisë nuk mund të ekzistojë. Këtë dashuri nuk e kemi si predikim, si “urdhëresë të re” vetëm (Joani 13,34). E kemi dhe të gjallë, të trupëzuar tek personi hyjni-njeri dhe tek shembulli i shenjtë i Zotit. Krishti na do që të gjithëve. Dëshiron shpëtimin e të gjithëve. “Dëshiron që të gjithë njerëzit të shpëtojnë...” (Timotheut 1-rë 2, 4). Është “hristos” dmth i dobishëm dhe mirëbërës, dhe tek mosmirënjohësit dhe tek të këqijtë. “Lind djellin e tij mbi dinakë dhe të mirë, dhe hedh shiun mbi të drejtë e të padrjetë” (Mattheu 5, 45). Ose ashtu siç permend libri i Veprave, “kaloi duke ju bërë mirë dhe duke shëruar të gjithë sa ishin të pushtuar e të munduar nën djallin”. (veprat 10, 38). Dhe në emër të dashurisë i fal dhe vetë kryqëzuesit e Tij, bile në çastin që provonte dhimbjen e papërshkrueshme të vdekjes në kryq.
Grada e Tretë: mëshira dhe përdëllimet.
“Bëhuni përdëllimtarë , pasi dhe Ati ynë është përdëllimtar”. Çfarë është mëshira? Dashuri e tejzmadhuar. “nqs dikush analizon “ shkruan Shën Grigor Nisi, “cilësinë e mëshirës, do të gjejë që është intesifikimi i predispozitës dashurore”. Dhe çfarë janë përdëllimet? Simpatia dhe keqardhja, dhimbja për tjetrin, vëllain e dhembshur të Krishtit, që është dhe vëllai ynë.  Zemra jonë, dmth, të mbushet me simpati dhe keqardhje për dhimbjen dhe fatkeqësinë, mundimin dhe nevojën e të tjerëve. Dhe masa e mëshirës dhe simpatisë që detyrohemi që të tregojmë kundrejt të tjerëve, është mëshira dhe filantropia e Atit tonë qiellor.
“Atë me të cilën mundemi (disi)” na mëson Shën Joan Gojarti, “të barazohemi me Zotin, është që të mëshirojmë dhe të përdëllejmë”. Dhe vazhdon: “Nuk tha, nqs mbani kreshmë bëheni të ngjashëm me Atin. Nuk tha nqs ushtroheni në virgjëri. As tha, nqs luteni bëheni të ngjashëm me Atin tuaj... Por çfarë tha? Bëhuni përdëllimtarë.
*               *                            *
Vëllezërit e mi, Jetojmë në një kohë me kundërshtime që duken shumë qartë. Dhe po ndërtojmë një kulturë që është qartësisht invalide. Teknologjia  arriti në lartësi të paimagjinueshme. Ndërsa ne njerëzit jemi stëregërsuar. Shkuam në Hënë, por moralisht kemi rënë, si qënie shpirtërore bëmë hapa prapa. Pangopësia jonë le mënjanë çdo kuptim të barazisë dhe drejtësisë. Vetëadhurimi ynë vret dashurinë. Individualizmi ynë, na bën të egër dhe të papërthyeshëm para dhimbjes dhe fatkeqësisë të të tjerëve. Çfarë na duhet pra? Një riorientim i guximshëm. Të zbulojmë synimin bazë të jetës. Të ndërgjegjësojmë kuptimin më të thellë të ekzistencës sonë. Këtë pikërisht që na dërgon si mesazh dhe fjala e Zotit që dëgjuam sot: “Dhe të jeni bijtë e të Lartit.
Prifti Dhimitër L Lambru.
Përgatiti Përktheu Pelasgos Koritsas.

Εβδομάδα Ελληνικού Κινηματογράφου στην Κορυτσά!- Fillon java e Kinematografisë Greke në Korçë!

Related image 



Υπό την μέριμνα του Γενικού Ελληνικού Προξενείου στην Κορυτσά  και του Γενικού Προξένου κ. Γιώργου Αλαμάνου, πραγματοποιείται στην Κορυτσά η Εβδομάδα Ελληνικού Κινηματογράφου στο κινηματογράφο της πόλης. Η τέχνη πάντα ενώνει και μέσα από τις ταινίες το κοινό της Κορυτσάς δεν θα περάσει μόνο κάποιες ευχάριστες ώρες αλλά θα έρθει σε επαφή με την ελληνική τέχνη και τον ελληνικό πολιτισμό.  
Στις 3 Οκτωβρίου θα προβληθεί η ταινία η «Τιμή της Αγάπης» . Στις 5 Οκτωβρίου η ταινία «Λούφα και Παραλλαγή» ενώ στις 7 Οκτωβρίου θα προβληθεί η ταινία «Πολίτικη Κουζίνα». Για κάθε ταινία θα υπάρχουν δύο συνεχόμενες προβολές ενώ όλες οι ταινίες είναι με υπότιτλους στα αλβανικά.
Ευχαριστούμε ιδιαίτερα το  Γενικό Ελληνικό Προξενείο για την πρωτοβουλία αυτή που κατά την άποψη μας μόνο εποικοδομητική  θα είναι.
Αξίζει όλοι μας να πάμε να δούμε τις ταινίες αυτές.
Nën përkujdesjen e veçantë të  Konsullatës së Përgjithëshme Greke në Korçë dhe Konsullit të Përgjithshëm z Jorgo Alamano, do të realizohet në Korçë Java e Kinematografisë Greke, në sallën e kinemasë të qytetit.
Arti gjithmonë bashkon dhe nëpërmjet filmave, që do të shfaqen, publiku artdashës i Korçës do të kalojë çaste të këndshme si dhe do të vijë në kontakt me artin dhe kulturën  helene.

Më 3 Tetor do të shfaqet filmi “Çmimi i Dashurisë”. Më datën 5 Tetor filmi “Dinakëri dhe Kamuflazh” ndërsa në dt 7 Tetor do të shfaqet filmi “Kuzhina e Konstandinupojës” , një film me disa çmime ndërkombëtare. Çdo film do të ketë dy shfaqje të njëpasnjëshme ndërsa është i përkthyer dhe ka titra në shqip. Falenderojmë në veçanti Konsullatën e Përgjithshme Greke për iniciativën e cila është padyshim diçka shumë konstruktive.
Ja vlen që të gjithë që të shkojmë dhe të shohim këta filma.


Davutogllu: Turqit dhe shqiptarët, janë një familje

 
 Διαβάστε το άρθρο ελληνικά εδώ
Pas ligjëratës së mbajtur në Universitetin e Tetovës, ish kryeministri i Turqisë, Ahmet Davutogllu, u pyet për përkrahjen e shtetit turk ndaj shqiptarëve dhe marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-turke.

Davutogllu tha se kur flitet për marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-turke, njerëzit mendojnë se bëhet fjalë për dy palë. “Nuk është ashtu! Shqiptarët dhe turqit janë një. Nuk mund të ketë dy palë mes vëllezërve”, theksoi Davutogllu.
Ai gjithashtu tha se shqiptarët nuk janë të vetëm, dhe se gjithmonë duhet ta dijnë se ka 80 milionë shqiptarë që jetojnë në Turqi. “Shqiptarët jetojnë në gjashtë shtete. Kjo nuk është plotësisht e saktë. Llogariteni sikur në Turqi jetojnë 80 milionë shqiptarë”, theksoi Davutogllu.
Pasi përfundoi ligjëratën në Universitetin e Tetovës, Davutogllu pranoi dhurata nga përfaqësues të këtij institucioni, për të vazhduar vizitën e tij në Tetovë duke vizituar Xhamilë e Larme, ku edhe do të falë namazin e drekës. Abdulla Berisha /SHENJA



Νταβούτογλου: Στην Τουρκία υπάρχουν 80 εκατομμύρια …Αλβανοί!

«Νταβούτογλου: Οι Τούρκοι και οι Αλβανοί είναι μια οικογένεια»
Lexoni në shqip duke klikuar këtu


Μετά τη διάλεξη που πραγματοποίησε  στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Τέτοβο, ο πρώην πρωθυπουργός της Τουρκίας, Αχμέτ Νταβούτογλου,  αναφέρθηκε στην υποστήριξη του τουρκικού κράτους προς τους Αλβανούς και στις τουρκο-αλβανικές σχέσεις.



Ο Νταβούτογλου, είπε ότι όταν μιλάμε για τουρκο-αλβανικές σχέσεις, ο κόσμος πιστεύει ότι πρόκειται για δύο πλευρές. 


«Δεν είναι έτσι!»


«Οι Αλβανοί και οι Τούρκοι είναι ένα. Δεν μπορεί να υπάρχουν δύο πλευρές μεταξύ των αδελφών», δήλωσε ο Νταβούτογλου.


Είπε, επίσης, ότι οι Αλβανοί, δεν είναι μόνοι και πρέπει πάντοντε να γνωρίζουν ότι υπάρχουν 80 εκατομμύρια Αλβανοί που ζουν στην Τουρκία!

«Οι Αλβανοί ζουν σε έξι χώρες. Αυτό δεν είναι απολύτως σωστό.  Υπολογίζονται ότι 80 εκατομμύρια Αλβανοί ζουν στην Τουρκία», δήλωσε ο Νταβούτογλου, εξομοιώνοντας τους Τούρκους με τους Αλβανούς.


Μετά την ολοκλήρωση της ομιλίας του στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Τέτοβο, ο Νταβούτογλου έλαβε δώρα από τους εκπροσώπους του ιδρύματος. Ο πρώην πρωθυπουργός της Τουρκίας θα συνεχίσει  την επίσκεψή του στο Τέτοβο με την επίσκεψή του στο Τζαμί Λάρμε, όπου θα πάει για προσευχή το μεσημέρι της Παρασκευής.


(Στοιχεία από infoshqip.com)
--
               


«Κόλαφος» η έκθεση του ΟΑΣΕ για παρανομίες στις βουλευτικές εκλογές της Αλβανίας

 
Έκθεση κόλαφος του ΟΑΣΕ-ODIHR για τις εκλογές της 25ης Ιουνίου στην Αλβανία. Οι καταγγελίες για παρανομίες και παρατυπίες κατά την εκλογική διαδικασία είναι αμέτρητες…
Η Έκθεση αναφέρει ότι την ημέρα των εκλογών παρατηρήθηκαν παρατυπίες και ομαδικές ψηφοφορίες. Σύμφωνα με την Έκθεση υπήρξε εξαγορά ψήφων από άτομα με εγκληματικό παρελθόν.
Μεταξύ των συστάσεων του ΟΑΣΕ-ODHIR, είναι: επίλυση του προβλήματος εξαγοράς ψήφων, πολιτική απεξάρτηση της δημόσιας διοίκησης, πραγματοποίηση της εκλογικής μεταρρύθμισης, εναρμόνιση των νόμων για τις εκλογές, ειδικά για την προεκλογική εκστρατεία και την χρηματοδότηση των ΜΜΕ, απλοποίηση της διαδικασίας άσκησης έφεσης στο αποτέλεσμα των εκλογών. Στην Έκθεση επισημαίνεται και η ανησυχία για τις σχέσεις πολιτικών με άτομα από το χώρο του εγκλήματος. Σύμφωνα με τις αλβανικές εφημερίδες η δημοσιοποίηση της Έκθεσης προκάλεσε πολιτικές αντιδράσεις.
Ο Αλβανός πρωθυπουργός Έντι Ράμα παριστάνει πως δεν καταλαβαίνει και αναφέρθηκε μόνο στην μείωση του οικονομικού κόστους της προεκλογικές εκστρατείας.
Από την πλευρά του ο πρόεδρος του ΔΚ, Λουλζίμ Μπάσα, τόνισε ότι η Έκθεση έφερε στο φως το γεγονός ότι στις εκλογές της 25ης Ιουνίου υπήρξαν βασικά προβλήματα, τα οποία επηρέασαν άμεσα το εκλογικό αποτέλεσμα. Ειδικά, η Έκθεση επεσήμανε την αναγκαιότητα λήψης άμεσων μέτρων για τη διακοπή του εκτεταμένου φαινομένου εξαγοράς ψήφων, των χρηματοδοτήσεων στις εκλογές που προέρχονται, την άσκηση πιέσεων στους υπαλλήλους του δημοσίου καθώς και τη χρήση κρατικών πόρων στις εκλογές.
Ο επικεφαλής της ΚΟ του ΣΚΕ, Πετρίτ Βασίλι ανέφερε: «Ο πρωθυπουργός είναι ανίκανος να πει ψέματα και να καταλάβει, είναι ικανοποιημένος με τις εκλογές, αλλά η Έκθεση αναφέρει ότι οι εκλογές δεν ήταν καλές. Ο πρωθυπουργός θα έπρεπε να ντρέπεται για αυτό, αλλά εκείνος όπως είναι γνωστό δεν ντρέπεται. Δεν ντρέπεται να λέει ψέματα ακόμα και στη Βουλή, αναφέροντας ότι ο ΟΑΣΕ είναι ικανοποιημένος από τις εκλογές»
πηγη:militaire.gr Πηγή: Himara.gr | Ειδήσεις απ' την Βόρειο Ήπειρο
Πηγή: Himara.gr | Ειδήσεις απ' την Βόρειο Ήπειρο
Πηγή: Himara.gr | Ειδήσεις απ' την Βόρειο Ήπειρο