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Σάββατο 23 Ιανουαρίου 2016

“The Economist” Οι στόχοι της Τουρκίας, πίσω από το κτίσημο τζαμιών.-“The Economist”: Synimet e Turqisë pas ndërtimit të xhamive në Shqipëri - Turkey’s religious diplomacy Mosqued objectives


Një mega-xhami po ngrihet në rrugën “George W. Bush” në Tiranë, kryeqytetin shqiptar, në afërsi të parlamentit të vendit. Kur të përfundojë, ajo do të jetë xhamia më e madhe në Ballkan, një në një varg të gjatë të projekteve të tilla financuara nga Turqia. Në vlerësimin e saj, drejtoria e Turqisë i çështjeve fetare, i njohur si Diyanet, ka ndihmuar në ndërtimin e mbi 100 xhamive dhe shkollave ​​në 25 vende. Në Bosnjë, Kosovë, Filipine dhe Somali ky institucion ka rindërtuar vendet islamike të dëmtuara nga lufta dhe fatkeqësitë natyrore. Në Gaza është duke rindërtuar xhamitë e shkatërruara nga operacionet ushtarake izraelite në vitin 2014. Vetëm projektet aktuale pritet të kushtojnë mbi 200 milion dollarë. “Të gjitha paratë vijnë nga donacione private”, – këmbëngul Mazhar Bilgin, një zyrtar i lartë i Diyanet.
Kritikët dyshojnë se Presidenti i Turqisë, Rexhep Tajip Erdogan është duke vendosur me këto veprime një ringjallje të trashëgimisë së Perandorisë Otomane. Sekularët nacionalistë në Shqipëri, vend i cili ishte rreptësisht ateist nën komunizëm, stepen kur shohin se parlamenti i tyre do të ngjajë mjaft i vogël nga xhamia që ngrihet pranë ndërsa urbanistët ankohen për formën “McOttoman” të projektit.
Por shumica e shqiptarëve janë të këndshëm. Ndërsa qeveritë post-komuniste lejuan katolikët dhe të krishterët ortodoksë të ndërtojnë katedralet në Tiranë, myslimanët u lanë jashtë në të ftohtë. Besimtarët e kanë gjetur rregullisht veten duke u lutur jashtë, duke u dridhur jashtë një xhamie të vogël të shekullit të 19-të qytetit. Nuk është e qartë pse qeveria e Shqipërisë ka pritur deri në vitin 2013 për të miratuar një të re.
Roli i Turqisë në islamin shqiptar shkon përtej ndërtimit të xhamive. Gjashtë nga shtatë seminaret islamike të vendit menaxhohen nga fondacione të lidhura me komunitetin Gylen. Agjencia e Zhvillimit të Turqisë, TIKA, ka përfunduar 248 projekte në Shqipëri. Përveç ndihmës fiskale, shumë shqiptarë e mirëpresin ndikimin e Turqisë si një kundërpeshë ndaj përhapjes së militantizmit islamik. Sipas myftiut të Tiranës, Ylli Gurra, deri tani 150 shtetas shqiptarë janë bashkuar Shtetit Islamik (IS) si xhihadistë në Siri. Ai fajëson fonacionet salafiste nga monarkitë e Gjirit që u derdhën në rajon në vitet 1990. (Shumë prej tyre u dëbuan pas sulmeve të 11 shtatorit.) Z. Gurra thotë se shumica e muslimanëve shqiptarë refuzojnë radikalizmin e tillë: “Ata kanë më shumë prirje për Islamin turk”

Në të vërtetë, muslimanët në Shqipëri janë shumë më pak të devotshëm dhe më pro-perëndimore se sa bashkëfetarët e tyre turq. Ndërkohë, në terrenin fetar të Turqisë ka një konflikt të brendshëm. Partia e Zhvillimit (AK) që dikur ka punuar krah për krah me lëvizjen Gylen është prishur. E gjithë kjo ndryshoi dy vjet më parë, kur AK nisur një hakmarrje kundër lëvizjes, duke e akuzuar atë se ka orkestruar një skandal korrupsioni që kishte prekur figura të larta të qeverisë. Burokratë gulenistë u dërguan prapa hekurave.
Gjatë 2015-ës në vizitën në Shqipëri për ceremoninë e përurimit të xhamisë së re, Erdogan u kërkoi mikpritësve të tij për të mbyllur shkollat ​​e drejtuara nga gylenistët. Zyrtarët shqiptarë refuzuan kërkesën. Megjithatë, në Shqipëri dhe në vende të tjera, komunitetet myslimane që përfitojnë nga bujaria turke ende përballen me presione. “Erdogan është duke i detyruar ata që të largohen”, thotë Kerem Oktem, një profesor i studimeve turke në Universitetin e Graz.

Diyanet, ndërkohë, e ka zgjeruar programin e saj të xhamive në vendet me lidhje të pakta me historinë osmane. Në vitin 2014 Erdogan tha se Kuba ishte nga populluar nga muslimanët para se të ndotej nga zbulimi i Kristofor Kolombit dhe zbuloi një plan për të ndërtuar një xhami të re atje. Një tjetër xhami është në ndërtim e sipër në Haiti. Shërthimi i ndërtimeve është bërë një mjet për transmetimin e kredencialeve fetare të Turqisë për audiencën myslimane vendase dhe të huaja. Objektivi përfundimtar është “të pretendojmë territore të reja”- thotë zoti Oktem. “Është ideja që Turqia duhet të jetë udhëheqësi i gjithë botës muslimane.”

Ένα Μέγα- Τζαμί χτίζεται στο κέντρο των Τιράνων στην λεωφόρο Xh W Bush δίπλα στην Βουλή της χώρας. Όταν τελειώσει θα αποτελέσει το μεγαλύτερο τζαμί στα Βαλκάνια, το ένα από μια σειρά τέτοιων έργων που έχουν χρηματοδοτηθεί από την Τουρκία. Στην αξιολόγηση της η Διεύθυνση Θρησκευτικών Υποθέσεων της Τουρκίας, γνωστή ως  Diyanet έχει βοηθήσει στο χτίσιμο τουλάχιστον 100 τζαμιών και σχολείων σε 25 χώρες. Στην Βοσνία, Κόσσοβο, Φιλιππίνες, Σομαλία, το ίδρυμα αυτό έχει  βοηθήσει να κτιστούν  οι καταστραμμένες ισλαμικές χώρες από το πόλεμο ή τις φυσικές καταστροφές. Στην Γάζα βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη η ανοικοδόμηση των κατεστραμμένων τζαμιών από τις στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις των ισραηλιτών το 2014. Μόνο τα τωρινά σχέδια αναμένεται να στοιχίσουν πάνω από 200 εκατομμύρια δολάρια. « Όλα τα λεφτά έρχονται από ιδιωτικές δωρεές» - επιμένει ο  Mazhar Bilgin, αξιωματούχος του Diyanet
Οι επικριτές υποπτεύονται πως ο Πρόεδρος της Τουρκία Ερντογάν προσπαθεί κατ’ αυτό τον τρόπο την ανάσταση της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας. Οι κοσμικοί εθνικιστές στην Αλβανία, χώρα που ήταν αυστηρά αθεϊστική υπό το κομμουνισμό, αντιδρούν αμήχανα όταν  βλέπουν την Βουλή τους να μοιάζει αρκετά μικρό από το τζαμί που θα κτιστεί δίπλα ενώ οι ειδικοί παραπονούνται για το  “McOttoman» σχέδιο.
Αλλά οι περισσότεροι  των αλβανών είναι συμπαθητικοί.
Ενώ η μετά –κομμουνισμού κυβερνήσεις επέτρεψαν στους καθολικούς και στους ορθόδοξους χριστιανούς να χτίσουν καθεδρικούς ναούς στα Τίρανα, οι μωαμεθανοί αφέθηκαν έξω στο κρύο.
Οι πιστοί έχουν βρεθεί συχνά καθισμένοι έξω τρέμοντας μπροστά από ένα μικρό τζαμί του 19-αιώνα που έχει η πόλη. Δεν είναι ξεκάθαρο γιατί η Αλβανική περίμενε τόσο πολύ μέχρι το 2013 για να εγκρίνει ένα καινούργιο τζαμί.
Ο ρόλος της Τουρκία στο Αλβανικό Ισλάμ πάει πέρα από το χτίσιμο τζαμιών. Έξι από τα επτά ισλαμικά μεντρεσέ της χώρας διαχειρίζονται από ιδρύματα που είναι συνδεδεμένα με τον Γιουλέν. Το Τουρκικό Πρακτορείο Ανάπτυξης ΤΙΚΑ, έχει τελειώσει τουλάχιστον 248 έργα στην Αλβανία. Εκτός από την χρηματική βοήθεια, πολλοί Αλβανοί καλοδέχονται την επιρροή της Τουρκίας ως αντίβαρο προς την επέκταση του ακραίου ισλάμ. Σύμφωνα με τον μουφτή των Τιράνων, Ύλλη Γούρρα, μέχρι τώρα 150 Αλβανοί υπήκοοι έχουν ενωθεί με το ΙΣΙΣ ως τζηχαντιστές στην Συρία. Αυτός κυρίως ενοχοποιεί τα σαλαφιστικά ιδρύματα και της μοναρχίες του Κόλπου που ξεχύθηκαν στην περιοχή μετά το 1990. (Πολλοί εξ αυτών εκδιώχτηκαν μετά τις επιθέσεις της 11 Σεπτεμβρίου). Ο κ Γούρρα λέει πως η πλειοψηφία των αλβανών μωαμεθανών αποστρέφονται ένα τέτοιο εξτρεμισμό. «Εκείνοι έχουν περισσότερες τάσεις προς το τουρκικό Ισλάμ».
Στ’ αλήθεια, οι μωαμεθανοί στην Αλβανία είναι πολύ λιγότερα συνεπείς στα θρησκευτικά τους καθήκοντα και πολύ πιο φιλοδυτική από τους ομόθρησκους  τους  Τούρκους. Εντωμεταξύ, στο θρησκευτικό επίπεδο της Τουρκίας υπάρχει μια εσωτερική διαμάχη. Το κόμμα τις Ανάπτυξης (ΑΚ) που κάποτε συνεργαζόταν με το κίνημα Γιουλέν έχει σταματήσει να το κάνει, κατηγορώντας  την πως έχει ενορχηστρώσει ένα σκάνδαλο διαφθοράς που  είχε αγγίξει υψηλά πρόσωπα της κυβέρνησης. Οι γραφειοκράτες γιουλενιστές στάλθηκαν πίσω από τα σίδερα. Κατά το 2015 στην επίσκεψη του για τα εγκαίνια ενός νέου τζαμιού, ο Ερντόγαν ζήτησε από αυτούς που τον φιλοξενούσαν για να κλείσουν τα σχολεία του Γιουλέν. Οι επίσημοι, Αλβανοί, απέρριψαν την πρόταση αυτή. Αλλά στην Αλβανία και σε άλλες χώρες, οι μωαμεθανικές κοινότητες που κερδίζουν από την Τουρκική γενναιοδωρία ακόμη αντιμετωπίζουν διάφορες πιέσεις.
«Ο Ερντογάν βρίσκεται στην διαδικασία πίεσης για να απομακρυνθούν» -λέει ο Κερέμ Οκτέμ, ένας εκ των καθηγητών των τουρκικών σπουδών στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Γράτζ. Το  Diyanet εντωμεταξύ, έχει επεκτείνει το πρόγραμμα των τζαμιών σε χώρες με λιγοστές σχέσεις με την Οθωμανική Ιστορία. Κατά το έτος 2014 ο Ερντογάν είπε πως η Κούβα ήταν κατοικημένοι από  τους μουσουλμάνους πολύ πριν λερωθεί από την ανακάλυψη του Χριστόφορου Κολόμβου και αποκάλυψε το σχέδιο του να κτίσει ένα τζάμι εκεί. Ένα άλλο τζαμί χτίζεται στην Αϊτή. Η έκρηξη οικοδόμησης, έχει γίνει το όχημα για την μεταφορά θρησκευτικών διαπιστευτηρίων της Τουρκίας  για τους μουσουλμάνους ακροατές, ντόπιους και ξένους. Ο τελικός στόχος είναι «να ισχυριστούμε άλλα εδάφη» - λέει ο κύριος Οκτέμ. «Είναι η ιδέα ώστε η Τουρκία πρέπει να γίνει ο ηγέτης  όλου του μουσουλμανικού κόσμου»
Μετάφραση Πελασγός.
A MEGA-MOSQUE is growing on George W. Bush Street in Tirana, the Albanian capital, near the country’s parliament. When finished, it will be the largest mosque in the Balkans—one in a long string of such projects bankrolled by Turkey. By its own estimate, Turkey’s directorate of religious affairs, known as the Diyanet, has helped build over 100 mosques and schools in 25 countries. In Bosnia, Kosovo, the Philippines, and Somalia, it has restored Islamic sites damaged by war and natural disaster. In Gaza it is rebuilding mosques destroyed by Israeli military operations in 2014. Current projects alone are expected to cost $200m. All of the money comes from private donations, insists Mazhar Bilgin, a senior Diyanet official.
Critics suspect Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, of deploying mihrabs and minarets to revive his country’s imperial heritage in former Ottoman lands. Secular nationalists in Albania, which was strictly atheist under communism, bristle at seeing their parliament dwarfed by a mosque, and urban planners complain about the project’s bland, “McOttoman” design.
 But most Albanians are sympathetic. While post-communist governments allowed Catholic and Orthodox Christians to build cathedrals in Tirana, Muslims were left out in the cold. Worshippers regularly found themselves praying outdoors, unable to squeeze into the city’s tiny 19th-century mosque. It is not clear why Albania’s government waited until 2013 to approve a new one.
Turkey’s role in Albanian Islam goes beyond building mosques. Six of the country’s seven Islamic seminaries are managed by foundations linked to the Gulen community. Turkey’s development agency, TIKA, has completed 248 projects in Albania. Besides the fiscal aid, many Albanians welcome Turkish influence as a counterweight to the spread of Islamic militancy. According to Tirana’s mufti, Ylli Gurra, up to 150 Albanian nationals have joined Islamic State (IS) jihadists in Syria. He blames the zealous salafist foundations from the Gulf monarchies that poured into the region in the 1990s. (Many were expelled after the September 11th attacks.) Mr Gurra says most Albanian Muslims reject such radicalism: “They have more affinity for Turkish Islam.”
In fact, Muslims in Albania are far less devout and more pro-Western than their Turkish co-religionists. Meanwhile, Turkey’s religious outreach is hobbled by an internecine conflict at home. Mr Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development (AK) party once worked hand in glove with the Gulen movement. All that changed two years ago, when the AK launched a vendetta against the movement, accusing it of orchestrating a corruption scandal that had tarred senior government figures. Scores of Gulenist bureaucrats remain behind bars.
During a 2015 visit to Albania for the groundbreaking ceremony of the new mosque, Mr Erdogan asked his hosts to shut down schools run by the Gulenists. Albanian officials turned down the request. Yet in Albania and elsewhere, Muslim communities that benefit from Turkish largesse still face pressure. “Erdogan is forcing them to take sides,” says Kerem Oktem, a Turkish studies professor at the University of Graz.
The Diyanet, meanwhile, has extended its mosque programme to countries whose connection to Ottoman history is tenuous. In 2014 Mr Erdogan suggested that Cuba had been settled by Muslims long before it was spotted by Christopher Columbus, and unveiled a plan to build a new mosque there. Another mosque is under construction in Haiti. The building spree has become a vehicle for broadcasting Turkey’s religious credentials to Muslim audiences domestic and foreign. The ultimate objective is “claiming new territory,” says Mr Oktem. “It’s about the idea that Turkey should be the leader of the whole Muslim world.”

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